Are Cousins From Different Sides of the Family Related

Emotional Development, Effects of Parenting and Family Structure on

Suzanne Bester , Marlize Malan-Van Rooyen , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second Edition), 2015

Extended Family – Kinship Intendance

Extended families consist of several generations of people and can include biological parents and their children as well as in-laws, grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins. Extended families are typical of commonage cultures where all family members are interdependent and share family responsibilities including childrearing roles (Waites, 2009; Strong et al., 2008).

Extended family unit members usually live in the same residence where they pool resource and undertake familial responsibilities. Multigenerational bonds and greater resources increase the extended family's resiliency and ability to provide for the children'southward needs, yet several risk factors associated with extended families can decrease their well-existence. Such run a risk factors include complex relationships, alien loyalties, and generational conflict ( Engstrom, 2012; Waites, 2009).

Complex intergenerational relationships can complicate the child–parent relationship as they can cause defoliation regarding the identity of the primary parent. Such defoliation tin result in a child undermining the authority of her existing parent (Anderson, 2012) and feeling uncertain nearly her environment.

Extended families often value the wider kin group more than individual relationships, which tin lead to loyalty issues within the family and also cause difficulties in a couple's relationship where a close relationship between a husband and married woman may be seen as a threat to the wider kin group. Some other factor that tin add to the complication of relationships in an extended family is the need to negotiate the expectations and needs of each family member. Complex extended family relationships can also detract from the parent–child relationship (Stiff et al., 2008; Langer and Ribarich, 2007).

The literature points to various protective factors associated with extended families that can aid the parents and family unit meet the children's various needs. Extended families usually have more resources at their disposal that can be used to ensure the well-being of the children. Besides, when the family functions as a collaborative team, has stiff kinship bonds, is flexible in its roles, and relies on cultural values to sustain the family unit, the family itself serves as a lifelong buffer against stressful transitions (Engstrom, 2012; Waites, 2009).

Kinship care as a cultural value in extended families is associated with positive child outcomes, yet this may not exist the case when such families have to take responsibleness for a kid considering his parents are unable to do so. In such cases, kinship care becomes like to foster care. Situations like the latter usually arise from substance abuse, incarceration, abuse, homelessness, family violence, illness, death, or armed forces deployment (Langosch, 2012).

Although children in kinship care often fare better than children in foster care, various risk factors can accept a negative impact on the children'south well-being. Risk factors include low socioeconomic status, inability to come across children's needs properly, unhealthy family dynamics, older kin, less-educated kin, and single kin (Langosch, 2012; Palacios and Jiménez, 2009; Harris and Skyles, 2008; Metzger, 2008; Winokur et al., 2008).

Kinship care as foster care is often characterized by complex relationships and the trauma acquired by the loss of an able parent. The family member who assumes the role as parent often finds it difficult to rest his former relationship with his new role as the person responsible for the child'southward well-being. For instance, a grandmother may have to conform to the idea of being a strict parent instead of a loving, indulgent grandmother (Engstrom, 2012; Langosch, 2012).

The extended family fellow member who steps into the parenting role is often overwhelmed by the stress caused by new parental responsibilities, zipper difficulties, and possible feelings of resentment and anger toward the biological parent, besides equally having to bargain with traumatic transitions subsequently the loss of an able parent. The relationship betwixt the new parent and other family members may also feel strain due to loyalty bug. Besides circuitous relationships, changes in the child's environs call for new routines, the setting of new limits, and sometimes coparenting with the biological parent, all of which can contribute to a less stable environment (Engstrom, 2012; Langosch, 2012).

An extended family member who takes on kinship care faces many challenges, although positive experiences associated with such care can also serve every bit a protective factor buffering the kid against the negative issue of traumatic transitions. The new parent may discover this transition meaningful in the sense that it adds purpose to her life, and the kid may too experience a sense of security, consistency, continuity in family identity, emotional ties, and familiarity (Langosch, 2012; Harris and Skyles, 2008; Metzger, 2008).

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Family Structure and Family Violence

Laura A. McCloskey , Riane Eisler , in Encyclopedia of Violence, Peace, & Conflict (2nd Edition), 2008

Extended Families

Extended families composed of grandparents, aunts, and uncles tin can be protective of children, given a nonabusive ideology. If there is an abusive ideology, even so, the extended family unit tin pose every bit much a take a chance equally a buffer to children. Simple generalizations, therefore, about features of family unit structure and their role in child maltreatment cannot exist made.

There are widespread beliefs that the presence of grandparents is a buffer for children, and probably inhibits abuse. Nonetheless, research findings on the support provided by grandparents to young children are mixed. In i study of African-American extended families children within single or divorced female parent-headed households, still, did evidence signs of better adjustment when a grandmother lived with them. However, this upshot did not seem due to the grandmother'south parenting skills or direct intendance to the kid, but to the support these grandmothers provided their daughters. The daughters, therefore, became more than effective and less stressed during their ain parenting tasks, and the children subsequently benefited. In the United States, therefore, the nuclear family relationships remain the well-nigh critical for the children's health and outcome. When single mothers are nested in supportive extended family unit contexts, the children benefit from the direct aid offered to the female parent.

There accept been some studies on what kinds of skills promote nonviolent and nurturant parenting. For case, researchers in child development found that mothers who are able to develop college levels of attunement or synchrony when interacting with toddlers, and who are able to establish a mutual focus with the child on some action or thought, have children who are more compliant and happier than mothers who are less attuned, then to speak, to their young children. Flowing with the kid rather than against her or him seems to exist the best policy for socializing cooperativeness and stability. Finally, the quality of the relationship between parents has a profound touch on on children's coping and mental health.

Once over again, the indicators of nonviolent parenting seem to be more lodged within parenting behavior than in the structure of the family unit. Coercive parenting engenders assailment in children, either through modeling parental assailment or through the evolution of an internal mental script or 'working model' of antagonistic interpersonal relationships. Although there have been few straight studies to engagement, information technology appears that parents who espouse a 'partnership model' with each other are more likely to raise children to do the same, and to develop mutual respect for boundaries, opinions, and interests that will benefit the child, likewise as the parents. The 'dominator model', or the traditional patriarchal family unit, is a problematic surround for successful child rearing, and can diminish children's own self-esteem and ability to forge intimate relationships.

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Family and Culture

James Georgas , in Encyclopedia of Applied Psychology, 2004

three.ii Family unit Typology

As inferred in the previous definitions, there are different types of families. The structure refers to the positions of the members of the family (e.g., mother, male parent, daughter, grandmother, etc.) and the roles assigned to the family unit members by the culture. For example, traditional roles of the nuclear family in North America and northern Europe in the mid-20th century were the wage-earning father and the housewife and child-raising mother. Cultures take social constructs and norms related to the proper roles of family members—that is, what the part of the mother, father, etc. should be.

Family types or structures take been delineated primarily by cultural anthropological studies of small cultures throughout the world. However, family unit sociologists have also contributed to the literature on family typology, although sociology has been more interested in the European and American family and less interested in small societies throughout the world.

In that location are a number of typologies of family unit types, but a simple typology would exist the nuclear and the extended family systems. To these tin be added the one-parent family.

The nuclear family consists of two generations: the wife/female parent, husband/father, and their children. The ane-parent family is likewise a variant of the nuclear family. Near one-parent families are divorced-parent families; single-parent families comprise a small percentage of 1-parent families, although they take increased in Due north America and northern Europe. The majority of ane-parent families are those with mothers.

The extended family consists of at least three generations: the grandparents on both sides, the wife/mother and the married man/father, and their children, together with parallel streams of the kin of the wife and husband. There are different types of extended families in cultures throughout the world. The following is one taxonomy:

•

The polygynous family consists of one married man/father and two or more wives/mothers, together with their children and kin. Polygynous families are found in many cultures. For example, four wives are permitted according to Islam. Yet, the actual number of polygamous families in Islamic nations is very minor (e.g., approximately 90% of fathers in Qatar, State of kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Oman, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia have simply ane married woman). In Pakistan, a man seeking a second wife must obtain permission from an mediation council, which requires a statement of consent from the offset wife before granting permission.

•

In a few societies in Fundamental Asia in that location are polyandrous families, in which ane adult female is married to several brothers and thus land is not divided. However, this is a rare phenomenon in cultures throughout the earth.

•

The stem family consists of the grandparents and the eldest married son and heir and their children, who live together under the authority of the gramps/household head. The eldest son inherits the family plot and the stem continues through the first son. The other sons and daughters get out the household upon marriage. The stalk family unit was characteristic of central European countries, such as Austria and southern Deutschland. The lineal or patriarchal family consists of the grandparents and the married sons. This is perhaps the nigh common form of family and is also plant in southern Europe and Nihon.

•

The articulation family is a continuation of the lineal family after the death of the grandfather, in which the married sons share the inheritance and work together. Joint families were found s of the Loire in France, as were patriarchal families, whereas the nuclear family unit was predominant north of the Loire. Joint families are also found in India and Pakistan.

•

The fully extended family unit, or the zadruga in the Balkans countries of Croatia, Bosnia, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, Macedonia, Bulgaria, had a construction like to that of the joint family but with the inclusion of cousins and other kin. The number of kin living and working together as a family unit numbered in the dozens.

A point needs to be fabricated regarding the unlike types of extended families. Historical analyses of the family by anthropologists and sociologists indicated that people considered to be members of a family or a household were not necessarily kin. For case, in central European countries until the 18th century, servants (who were often relatives), semipermanent residents, visitors, workers, and boarders were considered to be members of the household. The term familia was used to denote large households rather than "family" in the modern sense. Until the 18th century, no word for nuclear family unit was employed in Germany but the term "with wife and children." Frédéric Le Play, considered to be the father of empirical family sociology, discussed the emergence of the nuclear family every bit a product of the industrial revolution. He as well characterized the nuclear family, the famille, as unstable in comparison with the stalk family.

1 theory regarding the change from feudal familia to the famille of Western Europe is based on the following assay. After the reformation, vassals left the feudal towns to seek work in the cities. This led to the separation of the dwelling place and identify of work and resulted in privacy and the sentimentality of the nuclear family. This blueprint, however, was not plant among the peasants in the agricultural areas. The strengthening of the relationship betwixt parents and children was also a result of the religious influence of the Age of Enlightenment. These changes led to the releasing of servants from the close community of the household. Servants and workers became less personal and office of the household and more than contractual. This led to the emergence of many new nuclear families (e.g., those of early factory workers and clerks). A new word in German, Haus, referred only to those living within it.

Historical analyses of the family during this menses in Western Europe also emphasize that not all families were large extended families considering establishing this type of household was dependent on land ownership. Most families worked for big feudal types of households and were essentially nuclear in structure. In England during this catamenia, where land ownership was restricted to the nobility, the vast majority of families, which either worked for the landowners or rented small plots, were necessarily nuclear families.

3.2.1 The Nuclear Family: Separate or Part of the Extended Family?

The key chemical element in studying different types of family construction and its relationships with psychological development of the children, its economical base, and its culture is the nuclear family. In 1949, Murdock fabricated an important distinction regarding the human relationship of the nuclear family to the extended family unit: "The nuclear family unit is a universal human social grouping. Either as the sole prevailing class of the family or as the basic unit from which more than complex familial forms are compounded, information technology exists every bit a distinct and strongly functional group in every known guild."

Murdock made an important point: The nuclear family unit is prevalent in all societies, not necessarily as an autonomous unit simply considering the extended family is substantially a constellation of nuclear families across at least three generations. Parsons' theory that the adaptation of the family unit to the industrial revolution required a nuclear family unit structure resulting in its isolation from its traditional extended family unit and kinship network, leading to psychological isolation and anomie, has had a strong influence on psychological and sociological theorizing about the nuclear family. All the same, studies of social networks in North America and northern Europe accept shown that the hypothesized isolation of the nuclear family is a myth. Nuclear families, even in these industrial countries, have networks with grandparents, brothers and sisters, and other kin. The question is the degree of contact and advice with these kin, even in nations of northern and southern Europe.

A second issue relates to the different cycles of family, from the moment of wedlock to the decease of the parents or grandparents. The archetype three-generation extended family has a lifetime of maybe xx–30 years. The death of the grandparent, the patriarch of an extended family unit, results in one bicycle closing and the get-go of a new cycle with two or three nuclear families, the married and single sons and daughters. These are nuclear families in transition. Some will form new extended families, others may not have children, some will non ally, and others (e.thousand., the 2d son in the stem family) will not have the economic base to form a new stem family. That is, even in cultures with a dominant extended family arrangement, there are always nuclear families.

A third issue is the conclusion of a nuclear family. This is related to place of common residence or the "household" of the nuclear family. Demographic studies of the family usually utilise the term household in determining the number of people residing in the residence and their roles. However, there is a paradox betwixt the concepts household and family unit as employed in demographic studies. Household refers to counting the number of persons in a business firm. If there are two generations, parents and the children, they are identified as a nuclear family. However, this may atomic number 82 to erroneous conclusions about the percentage of nuclear families in a land. For instance, in a European demographic study, Germany and Austria had lower percentages of nuclear families than Greece. This appears to be foreign because Hellenic republic is known to be a country with a strong extended family unit system. Even so, demographic statistics provide only "surface" data, which is difficult to interpret without data about attitudes, values, and interactions between family members. Nuclear households in Greece, as in many other countries throughout the globe, are very nearly to the grandparents—in the apartment side by side door, on the next floor, or in the neighborhood—and the visits and telephone calls between kin are very frequent. Thus, although nuclear in terms of common residence, the families are in fact extended in terms of their relationships and interactions.

In addition, there is the psychological component of those who i considers to be family unit. Social representation of his or her family may consist of a mosaic of parents, brothers and sisters, grandparents, uncles, and aunts and cousins on both sides, together with different degrees of emotional attachments to each one, unlike types of interactions, bonds, memories, etc. Each person has a genealogical tree consisting of a constellation of overlapping kinship groups—through the mother, male parent, female parent-in-police, father-in-law, merely also through the sister-in-police force, blood brother-in-law, cousin-in-police, etc. The overlapping circles of nuclear families in this constellation of kin relationships are almost countless. Both the psychological dimension of family—one's social representation—and the culturally specified definition of which kin relationships are important make up one's mind which kin affiliations are of import to the individual ("my favorite aunt") or the family ("our older brother's" family) and which are important in the clan (the "Zaman" extended family) or community (the "Johnsons" nuclear family). Thus, information technology is not so important "who lives in the box" simply, rather, the types of affiliations and psychological ties with the constellation of unlike family members or kin in the person's formulation of his or her family, whether it is an "contained" nuclear family unit in Deutschland or an "extended family" in Nigeria.

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Social Media and Sorting Out Family unit Relationships

Jolynna Sinanan , in Emotions, Applied science, and Social Media, 2016

Abstract

Families and extended families already present an entangled terrain of emotional experience that is further complicated by the range of technologies bachelor for communication. This chapter argues that choosing between platforms to convey different content is securely embedded in relationships, drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in a small down in Trinidad. For this argument, "polymedia," a term coined by Madianou and Miller (2012, 2013), is a particularly useful theory of communications for personal relationships. Polymedia captures how Trinidadians navigate the expectations and etiquette within the messiness of lived relationships, where resolving conflicts and tensions take consequences, contiguous. Equally social media bridges different aspects of relationships, polymedia is especially concrete when idea of in relation to transnational family connections. Near often, sorting out which platforms to utilize is heavily intertwined with sorting out relationships, where sparing emotions and keeping peace are valued among extended families living in small towns.

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Data Collection

Kevin John O'Connor , Sue Ammen , in Play Therapy Handling Planning and Interventions (2nd Edition), 2013

Extended Family History

Information well-nigh the extended families is useful for several reasons. Start, it is important to understand how the extended family is currently involved with the kid client and his or her family. Too, because many caregivers bring their own histories of beingness parented into parenting relationships with their children, information about their family-of-origin experiences may be helpful. How much you decide to focus on this area when gathering the initial intake information depends on how much the presenting maternal grandmother had moved into the home approximately viii months earlier and was providing afterschool treat the child. She was an alcoholic and extremely critical of the child. One family session in which the grandmother was included provided a articulate flick, for both the play therapist and the parents, of the subversive interaction between this grandparent and the child. The parents immediately made changes in the environment to limit the contact the grandparent had with the kid, and provided the child with messages to counteract the negative messages she had been getting from the grandmother. The parents were referred to Al-Anon resources in the community. Inside a calendar month, the child was doing better in school and play therapy was discontinued.

Case Example

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CPTED Concepts and Strategies

Timothy D. Crowe , Lawrence J. Fennelly , in Crime Prevention Through Ecology Design (Third Edition), 2013

Three-Generation Housing

Information technology is difficult for extended families to live in close proximity in public housing environments. Young families may have to move beyond town to another site to observe an apartment. As the young family grows in number of children, it is mutual for them to take to move several times to find more than bedroom space. Over time the same families demand less infinite equally older children leave the dwelling house. A new concept of three-generation housing is actually a rebirth of the pre-Globe War II practice of providing room for boarders within the existing house design.

Three-generation housing concepts include the planning of architectural options to modify existing structures to increase flat size or to provide for rental opportunities within i structure. That is, the apartment is designed to be cleaved into two apartments of various sizes. Conversely, an apartment could be designed to provide for an attic or attached efficiency that could be used for short-term rentals by college students or unmarried tenants who can provide the adult presence needed to support a lone parent. Public housing applications will vary merely to the extent of who serves as the landlord.

Iii-generation planning for public housing provides architectural options that make it possible for extended families to stay close. Apartments may be modified or originally designed to allow for either upsizing or downsizing the number of bedrooms. Ane-chamber flats may be joined or separated as families change. Two kitchens in one large apartment may exist useful in promoting harmony among an extended family unit. This flat could exist split when the large family moves out. Such flexibility allows the apartment to undergo many changes over the years to accommodate the needs of diverse and irresolute families.

The value of iii-generation housing is potentially enormous. The solitary parent will benefit from the potential back up of other adults within the home. Child supervision will ameliorate, which may event in less delinquency and vandalism. College achievement levels in school may result from improved attendance and study habits that will exist influenced by increased parenting and supervision. Finally, it should exist expected that quality-of-life bug will be affected in positive ways, thus making the housing community more popular for working families.

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Ethnocultural Dynamics and Acquired Aphasia

Joan C. Payne , in Acquired Aphasia (Third Edition), 1998

American Indian/Alaska Natives

Within tribes that value extended families, Indian elderly are highly valued and occupy an of import place in making major decisions for the family and tribe. Nearly three-fourths of rural American Indians between 65 and 74 years of age live with their families, whereas simply well-nigh one-half of the urban Indian population over age 75 live inside a family surroundings. Those who live with their children do so because of cultural preferences and the ability to share in family resources. Care is by and large given by the families or in elderly facilities on reservations (Cerise Horse, 1990). Other differences betwixt rural- and urban-dwelling house elderly tin be seen in the rates of nursing home placement. Urban elderly are more likely to be placed in nursing homes than are rural elderly (Manson & Calloway, 1990).

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Fertility Theory: Theory of Intergenerational Wealth Flows

Kristin Snopkowski , Hillard Kaplan , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (2nd Edition), 2015

Role of the Family in Fertility Decision-making

While Caldwell conceptualized the extended family as a family construction that required transfers from immature to quondam members, other researchers have argued that extended kin operate to provide boosted resources for childbearing ( Hrdy, 2005). The loss of the extended family construction may mean that the costs of children get larger for parents because they cannot be dispersed to extended kin members (Turke, 1989) or that pronatal messages, which may come disproportionally from kin, are reduced as individuals are located farther from extended kin members (Newson et al., 2005).

Evidence has been mounting for the positive effects extended kin (usually parents or in-laws) have on the survivorship of children and fertility rates. Children are more than likely to survive in many contexts if grandparents are alive, with effects mostly being strongest for maternal grandmothers (Beise and Voland, 2002; Beise, 2005; Hadley, 2004; Kemkes-Grottenthalef, 2005; Lahdenperä et al., 2004; Sear et al., 2000; Sear, 2008; Tymicki, 2004). There is as well evidence that grandmothers have positive furnishings on children's nutritional status (Gibson and Mace, 2005; Sear et al., 2000). In several contexts, grandmothers provide needed help to children and grandchildren; grandmothers reduce mother's work energy expenditure and reduce maternal direct child care among the Aka foragers of central Africa (Meehan et al., 2013), they reduce gamble of grandchild mortality and depression nascency weight when they are the chief source of support for mothers in Puerto Rico (Scelza, 2011), and they relieve daughters of heavy domestic tasks in rural Ethiopia (Gibson and Mace, 2005). Finally, there is evidence that individuals who take close bonds with parents are more probable to engage in reproduction (Mathews and Sear, 2013a,b; Waynforth, 2012) and that having kin available who provide kid intendance increase the likelihood of additional births (Bereczkei, 1998; Kaptijn et al., 2010). This thriving research area has demonstrated the positive effects grandparents have on grandchild outcomes, once again providing evidence that resources flow from parents to children and grandchildren instead of the opposite.

Given that the variation in kin effects across contexts is not well understood and we expect kin to have differing effects depending on the local fertility norms and socioecologies, this provides a thriving area for futurity research. Further, we may expect variation depending on the type of kin member, as some kin are more closely related than others and some kin have their own reproductive opportunities, which may atomic number 82 to kin reproductive disharmonize instead of cooperation. Empirical testify shows mothers-in-constabulary tend to have a positive effect on fertility outcomes for daughters-in-law (more and so than mothers on daughter's fertility) (Sear and Coall, 2011), but we do not truly understand why this occurs. Both social and economical hypotheses have been brought forrard as potential explanations, simply future work volition probable explore this evolutionary puzzle.

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Assessing and Treating American Indian and Alaska Native People

Denise A. Dillard , Spero M. Manson , in Handbook of Multicultural Mental Health (Second Edition), 2013

C Use of Alternative Sources of Information

Family members (including extended family), customs members, and medicine men or tribal doctors tin can be invaluable sources to consult (with a client's consent). As office of the culture and the client's daily life, these individuals possess a rich understanding of the client's social, emotional, physical, and spiritual functioning across time. In addition, these individuals are perhaps most able to return culturally sensitive and accurate judgments about pathology. For case, it may exist difficult for a non-AI/AN clinician to decipher whether an AI male's high level of mistrust stems from a realistic need to protect himself from the dangers and injury associated with discrimination or if he is paranoid in a delusional sense. Family and community members might rather effortlessly be able to identify the mistrust every bit normal or pathological.

To requite another case, O'Nell and Mitchell (1996) conducted in-depth interviews with teens and other community members near teen drinking in a Northern Plains community. The customs definition of pathological drinking was not related to frequency or quantity of alcohol consumption. Instead, local norms defined a teen as having a drinking problem when drinking interfered with the adolescent'due south acquisition of cultural values like courage, modesty, humor, generosity, and family honor. Thus, in assessing a potential booze trouble, asking a Northern Plains boyish if she or he felt these values were affected by alcohol use might prove more fruitful than asking how often or how much the youth drinks. The People Awakening projection of the Heart for Alaska Native Health Inquiry besides found that definitions of sobriety among ANs interviewed emphasized civilization, spirituality, and interpersonal responsibleness rather than the amount or frequency of booze consumed (Mohatt et al., 2008; Mohatt et al., 2004).

Other sources to consider consulting include clinicians with AI/AN experience, anthropologists who accept researched the item tribe or group, and the bookish literature (ethnographies, histories, and the literature of the civilization; Westermeyer, 1987). Dwelling house or school observations might also help capture for the clinician the "flavor" of a client's life beyond the capabilities of any test. Observing an AI/AN engaging in hobbies or other activities can assistance provide a balanced view of the client as possessing strengths in addition to weaknesses. For example, an AI child might be performing well below average in academics and seem to be severely delayed according to intellectual testing and teacher observations. Yet, during a dwelling house visit, a clinician might detect the kid has a potent facility in beadwork, making highly circuitous patterns. The "filibuster" thus might non be as severe every bit idea and more than related to cultural issues similar activity preferences and language rather than innate ability.

On a terminal notation, assessing the customer'south level of acculturation to Western ways and enculturation or identification with his or her own cultural roots should exist a focus with most every AI/AN. As mentioned past Trimble et al. (1996), "For some individuals…otherwise fairly healthy, the conflicts surrounding move between cultures may be what brings them into counseling … These issues get more salient for Indian people who are living in an urban or other not-reservation surroundings" (p. 204). These conflicts were described earlier. In improver, some scholars (eastward.1000., Trimble et al., 1996) fence understanding the customer's ethnic identity and level of acculturation and enculturation tin can increment the effectiveness of treatment. An AI/AN who is fairly acculturated, for example, may have previous counseling feel and exist quite comfy with the process and roles of the therapist and customer. In dissimilarity, a very traditional AI male is unlikely to take previous counseling experience and may be highly uncomfortable with some aspects of his office (eastward.g., self-disclosure) and behaviors of the therapist (east.thousand., straight questioning). The content and construction of therapy with this client thus could involve rather informal meetings at the customer'southward dwelling house with limited cocky-disclosure over a long period of fourth dimension.

There are several models of how to assess level of acculturation and enculturation. Several standardized scales for AIs (e.g., American Indian Enculturation Calibration, Native Identity Scale) with express psychometric information exist (Gonzales & Bennett, 2011; Winderowd et al., 2008). Other approaches are more open-ended. Trimble et al. (1996) recommend open-concluded questions about didactics, employment, faith, language, political participation, urbanization, media influence, social relations, daily life, and past pregnant events and their causes while Hays (2006) uses the acronym ADDRESSING to appraise age and generational influences, developmental and acquired disabilities, religion or spiritual orientation, ethnicity, due southocioeconomic condition, sexual orientation, indigenous heritage, northwardational origin, and chiliadender. Another useful framework is presented in the DSM-Iv Outline for Cultural Formulation, addressing the cultural identity of the individual, cultural explanations of the individual's illness, cultural factors related to the psychosocial environment and levels of functioning, and cultural elements of the human relationship betwixt the individual and clinician (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). Although the Outline has limitations (Novins et al., 1997), Christensen (2001), Fleming (1996), and Manson (1996) present useful applications to the AI population.

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Genetics of Human Obesity

JANIS S. FISLER , NANCY A. SCHONFELD-WARDEN , in Nutrition in the Prevention and Treatment of Disease, 2001

C. Linkage Studies in Humans

Linkage studies in humans are conducted with big extended families or with nuclear families. A conceptually simple and practical method is the nonparametric sib-pair linkage method that provides statistical evidence of linkage between a quantitative phenotype and a genetic marker [1, 59]. The method is based on the concept that siblings who share a greater number of alleles (one or 2) identical by descent ¹⁵ at a linked marker locus should also share more alleles at the phenotypic locus of interest and should be phenotypically more similar than siblings who share fewer marker alleles (0 or ane). The method has been expanded to use information from multiple markers, allowing college resolution mapping [60]. Linkage studies do non identify any specific gene merely are useful in identifying candidate genes for farther report.

A number of whole genome scans and linkage studies covering smaller chromosomal regions, published as of October 1999, identified 56 QTLs for diverse measures of adiposity, respiratory quotient, metabolic charge per unit, and plasma leptin levels in humans (for details, see [eleven]). Many of these chromosomal loci contain candidate genes for obesity, including genes known to cause single-cistron obesity (Section V). Linkage studies suggest that the LEP gene or a gene very about it on 7q31. 3 contributes to obesity in several different populations although the monogenic syndrome of leptin deficiency is rare [61–65]. One group linked both the LEPR [66] and MC4R [67] genes to multigenic obesity-related phenotypes in French Canadians. Candidate genes offset identified through linkage studies include the adrenergic receptors [68, 69], UCP2/UCP3 [70], and ADA [56].

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